The final two lectures in the series:
A talk looking at the meaning of the ’60s in terms of social contestation, students, and the university, and the proximities and distances between thenand now.
Chamsy El-Ojeili
(Senior Lecturer, School of Social and Cultural Studies, MA (Hons) PhD (Massey))
Wednesday 21 April 2010
Adam Art Gallery
5pm
A talk discussing the assemblage Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari label the war machine, which they establish in opposition to the apparatus of state power, in other words a war of becoming over being.
Robert Deuchars
(Lecturer, School of History, Philosophy, Political Science and International Relations, MA (City U London), PhD (VUW))
Thursday 22 April 2010
Adam Art Gallery
5.30pm
REFRESHMENTS WILL BE PROVIDED!
And here is an interview with Robert Deuchars, courtesy of Salient:
Who are Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari?
Gilles Deleuze (1925-1995) was one of France’s most influential 20th Century Philosopher’s. Influence primarily by Spinoza and Nietsche he wrote a number of important works in philosophy, including books on Hume, Foucault, Nietzsche and Spinoza. He is most famous though for his collaborations with Felix Guattari (1930-1992), the radical psychotherapist and political activist. They co-authored Anti-Oedipus and A Thousand Plateaus: capitalism and schizophrenia, which were both best-sellers in France. Their final collaboration was in a book called What is Philosophy? Deleuze is considered a leading figure, along with Michel Foucault in continental philosophy in the post-structualist movement, although some critics place him in the postmodern camp, which is a basic mis-reading of his work. His engagement with the hard sciences and with complexity theory has meant that his ideas cut across many disciplines from cultural studies to political theory.
What do Deleuze and Guattari mean by ‘body without organs’, ‘war machine’ and ‘lines of flight’?
This would take pages to answer so here are some shorthand definitions. The Body without organs means many things but in its simplest form it is what Deleuze and Guattari call a “plane of consistency”. In that sense the earth itself is a body without organs upon which all experience is expressed. The body without organs is also a limit to the desiring function of all other “bodies”, whether they be humans all the way to rocks and trees. Deleuze and Guatarri do not consider the world the be comprised of stable entities, rather the world is made up of a series of flows, travelling at differential rates of speed and intensities. In a general sense then, the body without organs is a substratum of flows.
In a thousand plateaus the war machine is established by two inter-related axioms. The first is that ‘The war machine is exterior to the State apparatus’ and, secondly, that ‘The war machine is the invention of the nomads (insofar as it is exterior to the State apparatus and distinct from the military institution)’ and establish it in opposition to the apparatus of state power. However the war machine has very little to do with war proper and is better understood as a radical type of thought that forms a central aspect of the Deleuzean politico-philosophical project. In other words it is a war of becoming over being. The war machine potentially involves everyone as it provides a radically different ontology for both the globalizing tendencies of capitalist power and the various forms of resistance to that mechanism of power. The war machine is not however something instrinsically good and Deleuze and Guattari point out that it can take malign forms. What is important in Deleuze and Guattari’s identification of many types of war machine is that they are all irreducibly social in nature. It is the social base of all war machines that enables the conceptual tension of the term ‘war machine’ itself to be appreciated. It is not only nomads that can form a war machine, but eventually the State itself can become something altogether different; a war machine formed by social formations that proceed to ‘take over’ the state apparatus itself, Nazi Germany for example.
‘Line of flight’ is a concept used by Deleuze to explain rhizomatic thinking and the creation of paths or journeys of escape from the apparatus of capture found in the state formation. The apparatus of the sate is primarily concerned with coding and inscribing all bodies. Lines of flight are attempts at deterritorialization or to escape the striated space of the state and move into smooth space. Striated space is confined space, but very loosely smooth space are spaces of freedom, without instrinsic properties and without pre-defined direction. To take an everyday example think of young people who skateboard on the road or people who ride bikes over walls and street stairs. In these simple examples they are deterritorializing the striated space established by the apparatus of capture, appropriating it for creative ends and ‘becoming something altogether different’. In other words they creating the conditions for smooth space whereby free action has the potential to occur.
In terms of the question of students and the university, how do you think the body without organs, the war machine, and the creation of lines of flight are helpful?
The glib answer is resistance. However, that would depend on how the student body is constituted and what forms of expression it takes. As far as I am aware the student body here is highly coded, captured and individualised. However the appearance of spaces in between the codification of the student body (nothing is ever completely captured) create the conditions or potentialities for war machines to emerge, and for lines of flight to be created. This does not suggest however advocating confrontation with the primary mechanisms of control ie , law, institutions and contracts, but the active and affective expression of creative thinking and actions. Confrontation is situational so it would depend on the particularities of situations that may appear as unfair, oppressive, dominating and so on.
In relation to Roger Douglas’s Voluntary Student Membership bill, this lecture series might be involved in something of a war machine to VUWSA’s (Victoria University of Wellington Students’ Association) state apparatus: a student body becoming rather than being. Your thoughts?
Given that I don’t know anything about this bill, I don’t feel qualified to answer this question. I do not pay any attention to domestic formal politics.
Any ideas on how this process can be extended?
That I imagine has to be done by experimentation, trial and error. Those seeking a plan, an alternative a manifesto should be disappointed, or confused by the antagonism between the line and the point. The point of the line of flight is, is to follow the line; not to have a point; that’s the point of not having a point. Consider escape along lines of flight as journeys; journeys’ where one does not know the destination but where ‘other world’s are (already) possible’. There is an emancipatory aspect to this line of thinking.
How do we make ourselves a student body without organs?
Given that I don’t know who “we” are this question is not one that can be answered as it presupposes a “we” that is known, that is active and that “others” are aware of its movements and intentions. I think the question is potentially misleading as it conflates the student body (or student body politic) with the body without organs, which as noted about is a plane of consistency, limit or a plane of immanence. However the student body in this reading is more analagous to the body politic found in mainstream political theory ie it constitutes a thing. The body without organs on the other hand is a substratum of fluidity and desire. A very simple answer to the question though is to stop thinking in terms of “things” ie stable and fixed entities with all of their properties established and known and start to think of processes, unstable and shifting identities and subjectivites, always in the process of becoming. There is an aesthetic appeal here to this line of thinking that is analagous to nomad thought ie what defines the nomad is as that it operates according to different principles, which Deleuze describes as the ‘fundamental indiscipline of the warrior, a questioning of hierarchy, perpetual blackmail by abandonment, or betrayal, and a very volatile sense of honor, all of which, once again impedes the formation of the State’ (or in the case of your analogy here equating nomads (some students) against the VUWSA.
Are there any questions which you think would be useful which you could add and respond to?
Very briefly, what is nomadism?
Deleuze sees in Nietzsche a type of experimental ‘nomadism’, a form of non-philosophy that escapes the confines of the philosophical discourse of his time. This discourse is firmly rooted in the outside or exterior to the philosophy of State or of sovereignty. It implies movement, speed, and unexpected irruptions and sets itself in opposition (although not binary) to the tired and worn effects of dialectics; in other words the affirmation of chance, creation and most of all in the eternal return. The dicethrow in Nietzsche confirms ‘affirmation of the many. But all the parts, all the fragments are cast in one throw; all of chance, all at once’. This in short is the defining feature of the eternal return. In other words what returns is not the same but returning itself. Pure difference.
However, although Deleuze and Guattari argue that although the war machine originated with nomads, there is nothing especially important about them. At one level of thought nomads, say in the form of the early artisans or metallurgists draw ‘a plane of consistency, a creative line of flight, a smooth place of displacement’. This is a war machine but of consequence only insofar as it demonstrates groups’ abilities to carve out space for themselves, rather than occupy the space created by a higher or pre-given ordering principle or process. This war machine forms the part of the Deleuzean critique of hylomorphism. In short Deleuze states that ‘The primary determination of nomads is to occupy and hold smooth space; it is this aspect that determines them as nomad (essence)’.
This is one form of the war machine but not taking a revolutionary form, merely action to avoid the overcoding of the State apparatus. In this sense many social formations have the potential to constitute a war machine, but one of relatively little importance when it comes to the consideration of active and effective resistance to the globalizing tendencies of contemporary capitalism.




